The Title Page and the Back Cover of Journal of China's Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10 (2024)
Center for China’s Relations with Neighboring Countries of Fudan University (CCRNC Fudan), ed., Journal of China's Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10, 2024.
Publisher: World Affairs Press (China)
Published in July 2026.
ISBN: 978-7-5012-7273-0
Contents
Editor’s Introduction.......................................................................ZHAO Weihua / 1
Introduction to China’s Neighboring Countries Studies
Introduction to China’s Neighboring Countries Studies I—Forward:
China’s Neighboring Diplomacy and China’s Neighboring
Countries Studies.......................................................................SHI Yuanhua / 9
Research on Situations of Neighborhood
Role Contestation, Decision-Making Autonomy and Japan’s Support
for US-Led Military Operations......................................... WU Xuhuai / 61
The Development of Japan-Bangladesh Relations under the “Indo-
Pacific Strategy” and Its Motives.................................................WEI Yifan / 88
The Eastward Dimension in the “Monsoon Network”: Epistemology
and Practice of India’s Southeast Asian Policy............... LIN Zhicheng / 117
Analysis of the “Differentiated Consensus” in Security Cooperation
between NATO and “Northeast Asian Partners”.................FU Jinxin / 140
Research on China’s Neighboring Countries
Myanmar’s Great-Power Balance Policy: Motivations and Characteristics
(2011-2020)........................................................YANG Fangfang / 167
A Study of the Role of the President of Mongolia’s Head of State
Diplomacy in Practice..................................ZHAO RI GE TU, FAN Lijun / 185
Studies on Regional Cooperation
Chinese Aid and the Development of Vietnam’s Socialist Industry
(1955-1965)................................................................................YOU Lan / 205
Reviews on Symposiums
Review on the 8th NACAI International Symposium and Fudan
China-ASEAN Scholars Dialogue 2024......................................WEN Yao / 247
Appendix
Introduction on Center for China’s Relations with Neighboring
Countries of Fudan University (CCRNC-Fudan)....................................... / 259
Notice Inviting Contributions to the Journal of China’s Neighboring
Diplomacy............................................................................................. / 261
Standards of Articles and Annotations of the Journal of China’s
Neighboring Diplomacy............................................................................. / 263
Role Contestation, Decision-Making Autonomy and Japan’s Support for US-Led Military Operations
WU Xuhuai
Abstract There is a lot of difference between Japan’s choices of support for the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 U.S. War in Iraq. Role contestation and decision-making autonomy are two variables explaining Japan’s motivations. Military operations trigger debates over response policies in Japan, which reflects the contestation among domestic actors over national roles. Leaders, as part of a web of domestic political and social processes, depend on decision-making autonomy to keep the integrity of their role preferences in the actual policies. Preference for “Military Power” as a national role conception is growing among the Japanese political elite, who are seeking to break the
exclusively defense-oriented doctrine further. Yet in the meantime, Japan still holds a strong norm of anti-militarism, which preludes future political struggle for role conception consensus. Also, more academic attention needs to be paid in the future to the influence of the combination of the pressure from the United States and the Japanese domestic political process on Japan’s response to US-led military operations.
Keywords Role Contestation; Decision-Making Autonomy; The Gulf War; Burden Sharing; Political Structure
Author Wu Xuhuai, PhD candidate, School of International Relations & Public Affairs, Fudan University.
Official Citation: WU Xuhuai, “Role Contestation, Decision-Making Autonomy and Japan’s Support for US-Led Military Operations,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10, 2024, pp. 61-87.
The Development of Japan-Bangladesh Relations under the “Indo-Pacific Strategy” and Its Motives
WEI Yifan
Abstract Bangladesh shows an increasing geo-strategic value owing to its superior geographical location, political stability and enormous economic potential, which plays a fulcrum role in the framework of the Japanese “Indo-Pacific” Strategy. Japan has scaled up its relationship with Bangladesh in all directions, with the aim of constructing the Bay of Bengal rim supply chains and partnership networks, safeguarding maritime security, and containing Chinese presence in South Asia. While it poses several adverse effects to China, especially the construction of infrastructure facilities in northeast India will step up the strategic pressure on the Chinese southwest border. However, India seeks assistance from Japanese funding to meet the demands of northeast development
needs, promote regional connectivity, and counterbalance the rising China. The two countries have differences in the vision of regional security order and Bangladesh approaches the foreign investment issue in a practical way, avoiding taking a side.
Keywords “Indo-Pacific” Strategy; The Bay of Bengal; Northeast India; ODA
Author WEI Yifan, PhD candidate, School of International Studies, Renmin University of China.
Official Citation WEI Yifan, “The Development of Japan-Bangladesh Relations under the “Indo-Pacific Strategy” and Its Motives,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10, 2024, pp. 88-116.
The Eastward Dimension in the “Monsoon Network”: Epistemology and Practice of India’s Southeast Asian Policy
LIN Zhicheng
Abstract The Asian monsoon is one of the most significant and oldest meteorological systems on Earth. The term “monsoon” in English is closely associated with the South Asian subcontinent and modern India. Throughout history, from the colonial era to contemporary India after independence, the monsoon has become a distinctive national symbol, reflecting the cultural background of “monsoon Asia” to some extent. The colonial system’s inherent structure, along with a knowledge production model focused on the West, has created a longstanding imbalance in the narrative of the “Monsoon network”. The narrative of the western half of the “network” is well-documented and
detailed, while the eastern half is often scarce and marginalized. However, India’s eastward exchanges along the monsoon route, equally frequent and historically rich, have not received the attention they deserve. Since the 1990s, transformations in both domestic and international circumstances have driven India to undergo a significant transformation in its diplomatic approach. For decades, India’s strategic engagement with Southeast Asia has evolved from the “Look East” policy to the more pragmatic “Act East” approach during Modi’s tenure, which reflects the growing importance of Southeast Asia to New Delhi, leading to heightened expectations of future cooperation, and the eastward dimension of the “Monsoon Network” has transferred from a mere
historical footnote to a key focus area within the Indian strategic community. Centering around the historical inheritance of the “Monsoon Network”, India has spearheaded various international cooperation initiatives under the “Project Mausam” banner, which encompasses cultural heritage, maritime navigation, marine economy, naval construction, climate response, and more. While the focus is primarily on ASEAN and Southeast Asian countries, the implementation of these policies has been inconsistent and uncoordinated. Whether the “Monsoon network” appears in hidden or visible form in India’s foreign policy, it serves as a crucial insight into India’s evolving geopolitical perspectives and policy approaches toward Southeast Asia.
Keywords Asian Monsoon; India’s Foreign Policy; Eastern Indian Ocean; Inter-Regional Exchange and Mutual Learning of Civilization
Author LIN Zhicheng, master student, School of International Relations & Public Affairs, Fudan University.
Official Citation LIN Zhicheng, “The Eastward Dimension in the ‘Monsoon Network’: Epistemology and Practice of India’s Southeast Asian Policy,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10, 2024, pp. 117-139.
Analysis of the “Differentiated Consensus” in Security Cooperation between NATO and “Northeast Asian Partners”
FU Jinxin
Abstract In recent years, NATO has used Indo-Pacific partner countries such as Japan and South Korea as a fulcrum to carry out strategic linkage, which has increased security risks in the Asia-Pacific region, including Northeast Asia. As key countries outside the region that NATO is concerned about, Japan and South Korea have shown a trend of gradually deepening security cooperation with NATO in recent years. This article proposes the concept of “differentiated consensus” to explain and analyze the security cooperation between NATO and its Northeast Asian partners. The concept of “differentiated consensus” refers to the fact that the two or more parties of cooperation carry out specific cooperation activities on the basis of reaching a basic consensus. However, under the basic consensus, the parties have differences in cognition, policy, etc. on specific activities due to their respective interests and positions. Specifically,
“differentiated consensus” includes two aspects — threat perception and strategic needs of security issues, and the former and the latter show an interactive relationship. There is such a differentiated consensus in the overall security cooperation between NATO and Northeast Asian partner countries. The two sides have a consensus on the threat perception of China and Russia, and there is an intersection in security strategic needs, which helps the two sides to carry out security cooperation. However, NATO and its Northeast Asian partners have different perceptions of security issue priorities, and there are individual differences in security strategic needs. These differences will hinder
the two sides from reaching security cooperation. Analysing the “differentiated consensus” on security cooperation between NATO and its Northeast Asian partners will make the characteristics of the security cooperation between the two sides clearer, thereby providing space for China to carry out security cooperation in its surrounding areas.
Keywords Differentiated Consensus; NATO’s Asia-Pacificization; Security Cooperation; Northeast Asian partners
Author FU Jinxin, PhD candidate, School of International Relations & Public Affairs, Fudan University.
Official Citation FU Jinxin, “Analysis of the ‘Differentiated Consensus’ in Security Cooperation between NATO and ‘Northeast Asian Partners’,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10, 2024, pp. 140-163.
Myanmar’s Great-Power Balance Policy: Motivations and Characteristics (2011-2020)
YANG Fangfang
Abstract Since 2011, Myanmar has embarked on a process of political democratization, experiencing the alternation between the Union Solidarity and Development Party government and the National League for Democracy government. During the terms of the past two parliamentary democratic governments, Myanmar’s foreign policy shifted from the “close ties with China” of the previous new military government era to a policy of “great-power balance”. This study aims to delve into Myanmar’s great-power balance policy during its democratic transition, revealing the motivations and policy characteristics behind the government’s adoption of this policy. When implementing the “great-power balance” foreign policy, the Myanmar government primarily considered the following factors: Firstly, the Myanmar government aims to achieve political and economic goals by pursuing diverse interests, including integrating into the international community, attracting more investment and aid from major powers to promote economic development, and reducing its heavy dependence on China. This reflects Myanmar government’s pursuit of national independence and development. Secondly, with China’s rapid rise, as a neighboring country geographically and a small country culturally, Myanmar has adopted a “great-power balance” policy to address potential “challenges” from China. Thirdly, during the democratic transition period,
Myanmar’s adjustments to its foreign policy were limited. The “great-power balance” policy essentially represents a return to a traditional neutral policy. Economic investments and aid from major powers like the United States, India, and Japan did not increase significantly as expected, and maintaining friendly relations with China remains the main focus of Myanmar’s foreign policy. The “great-power balance” policy is not only a strategic choice made by the Myanmar government to safeguard national interests but also a response and adaptation to changes in the international situation. However, with the establishment of a caretaker government led by Min Aung Hlaing in 2021, Myanmar’s foreign policy faces another decision point and may potentially move towards closer relations with China.
Keywords Myanmar Politics; Democratic Transition; Foreign Policy; “Great-Power Balance” Policy
Author YANG Fangfang, lecturer, School of History, Zhengzhou University.
Official Citation YANG Fangfang, “Myanmar’s Great-Power Balance Policy: Motivations and Characteristics (2011-2020),” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10, 2024, pp. 167-184.
A Study of the Role of the President of Mongolia’s Head of State Diplomacy in
Practice
ZHAO RI GE TU, FAN Lijun
Abstracts Head of State diplomacy, as the highest level of diplomacy, has become an important form of diplomatic practice and plays a pivotal role in the diplomatic activities of all countries. Mongolia is a parliamentary state with a President who is the Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. As Mongolia’s system of “head of state diplomacy” has gradually developed and matured, it is becoming increasingly active. Since the democratic transition, the six presidents of Mongolia have demonstrated their distinctive “head of state diplomacy”, which has played an important role in improving and promoting the country’s foreign policy, realizing the country’s diplomatic strategy and enhancing Mongolia’s international influence, and has become an important part of Mongolia’s diplomatic system and national diplomacy.
Keywords Mongolia; President; Head of State Diplomacy; Research
Authors ZHAO RI GE TU, deputy director and associate researcher, the Belt and Road Research Institute, Academy of Social Sciences of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region; FAN Lijun, director and researcher, the Belt and Road Research Institute, Academy of Social Sciences of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region
Official Citation ZHAO RI GE TU and FAN Lijun, “A Study of the Role of the President of Mongolia’s Head of State Diplomacy in
Practice,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10, 2024, pp. 185-201.
Chinese Aid and the Development of Vietnam’s Socialist Industry (1955-1965)
YOU Lan
Abstract China’s economic and technical assistance to Vietnam during the Cold War played a crucial role in helping the country establish a more complete industrial economy system and begin the process of socialist industrialization. One of the primary goals of this assistance was to support Vietnam in achieving these objectives. After three years of recovery from 1955 to 1957, followed by three years of transformation from 1958 to 1960, and culminating in the first five-year plan from 1961 to 1965, with China’s extensive support, the severely underdeveloped industrial economy of northern Vietnam was initially improved. Although this progress was later disrupted by the anti-US war, it is clear that Chinese assistance was a decisive factor in laying the foundation for northern Vietnam’s industrial economy after the war.
Keywords China; Vietnam; China’s Aid to Vietnam; Industrialization; Sino-Vietnam Relations
Author YOU Lan, Associate Professor, Department of History, and Academy of History & Documentation of Socialism, East China Normal University.
Official Citation YOU Lan, “Chinese Aid and the Development of Vietnam’s Socialist Industry (1955-1965),” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10, 2024, pp. 205-226.
Review of Fudan China-ASEAN Scholars Dialogue 2024 & the Eighth NACAI International Symposium
WEN Yao
Official Citation WEN Yao, “Review of Fudan China-ASEAN Scholars Dialogue 2024 & the Eighth NACAI International Symposium,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 10, 2024, pp. 247-255.
