Journal of China's Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 8, Issue 1 (2022)
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The Title Page of Journal of China's Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 8, Issue 1 (2022) | The Back Cover of Journal of China's Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 8, Issue 1 (2022) |
Center for China’s Relations with Neighboring Countries of Fudan University (CCRNC Fudan), ed., Journal of China's Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 8, Issue 1, 2022.
Publisher: World Affairs Press (China)
Published in August 2024.
ISBN: 978-7-5012-6781-1
Contents
Editor’s Introduction...... WEN Yao / 1
Studies on China’s Relations with Neighbouring Countries
Does Power Growth Discourage Interests Infringements? An Analysis of the Anomalous Behaviors of Some of China’s Neighboring Countries...... HAN Aiyong / 7
Studies on Hot Topics in China’s Neighbourhood
Major Countries’ Aid in Central Asia during the Covid-19 Pandemic (2020-2021)...... MO Shengkai and XU Zhuofan / 31
Malaysia-Brunei Maritime Disputes Settlement and Its Implications...... QI Huaigao / 57
Studies on China’s Neighbourhood Situation
ASEAN Centrality’s Internal and External Challenges against the Backdrop of Evolving Great Power Politics...... SUN Zhiqiang / 77
The Primary Characteristics, Driving Forces and Limitations of US-India Relations under the Biden Administration...... LI Hongmei / 100
An Analysis of Mechanisms of Political Exchange and of Strategic Dialogue on Foreign Affairs in Australia-Japan Relations...... WANG Shiming / 123
Studies on China’s Neighbouring Countries
New Trends in Vietnam’s Cultural Diplomacy Strategy after the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam...... TAO Wenwen / 147
An Analysis of the Development of Myanmar’s Neutral Diplomacy under the Framework of “SHI” ...... CAO Wenshan / 169
Review on Symposium
Review on Academic Seminar “The Changing Regional Landscape and China’s Neighbourhood Diplomacy” ...... / 195
Appendix
Introduction to Center for China’s Relations with Neighboring Countries of Fudan University (CCRNC–Fudan) ...... / 199
Call for Contributions...... / 201
Author Instructions....../ 203
Acknowledgement to Reviewers....../ 208
Does Power Growth Discourage Interests Infringements? An Analysis of the Anomalous Behaviors of Some of China’s Neighboring Countries
Han Aiyong
Abstract While China’s power has continued to grow, behaviors that harm China’s interests by some neighboring countries appear frequently, which is an anomaly. Although reductionism, structuralism, and process-based analysis offer logical explanations for these anomalous behaviors from single perspectives, they are not enough to fully explain the root cause. The increasingly complicated situation of China’s neighborhood means that the factors determining the behaviors of the states are also diverse, which is why a single theory cannot offer a sufficient explanation. Based on the causal role of multiple factors, this article modifies the research agenda of analytical eclecticism from comprehensive research paradigm to comprehensive research level, thereby providing a comprehensive interpretation of the root cause. The study finds that reasons for the anomalous behaviors are as follows: the neighborhood order and China’s relations with neighbors are in a transition period, which constitutes the background of the anomalous behaviors of some neighboring countries; the historical frictions and conflicts of interests between China and some neighboring countries provide an objective basis for the emergence of anomalous behaviors in neighboring countries; the change of China’s diplomatic behaviors has further reduced the space for some neighboring countries to demand more concessions from China. In response to provocative behaviors from some neighboring countries, it is necessary to change two mindsets, establish new perspectives and new ideas regarding the neighborhood, and adopt a differentiated approach to neighborhood foreign policies.
Keywords China’s neighborhood diplomacy; neighboring countries; neighborhood order; transition period
Author Han Aiyong, Professor and Director, Institute of International Relations and the Belt and Road, Institute for International Strategic Studies of the Party School of the Central Committee of CPC (China National Academy of Governance).
1. 韩爱勇：权势增长可以阻退利益损害吗-——基于部分中国周边国家反常行为的分析.pdf
Major Countries’ Aid in Central Asia during the Covid-19 Pandemic (2020-2021)
MO Shengkai XU Zhuofan
Abstract The five Central Asian countries have suffered from a severe public health crisis after the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, which have further resulted in economic recession and social crisis. China, the United States, Russia, Japan, India, and the European Union have been actively engaged in anti-Covid aid to support Central Asian countries to fight against the pandemic and boost their economies through emergency supplies, experience sharing, vaccine supplies and infrastructure investment. Based on the details of the aid and demand, major countries’ anti-Covid aid in Central Asia from 2020 to 2021 can be broadly divided into the “mask aid” phase, which is characterized by supplies of masks and other anti-epidemic materials, and the “vaccine aid” phase focusing on the supply of vaccines. During the “mask aid” phase in 2020, the anti-Covid aid of each major power was distinguished by its philosophy and style of assistance provision. Entering into the “vaccine aid” phase in 2021, Western countries were clearly lagging behind China and Russia due to inadequate vaccine production, and their assistance was primarily traditional in terms of means and content. In the post- pandemic era, as Russia’s attention and resources being devoted to Central Asia would be contingent on the international circumstances, China paid more attention to the situation in Central Asia, striving to create a stable political environment in the neighborhood for the Belt and Road Initiative.
Funding This paper is the initial outcome of the National Social Science Fund youth project “Study on U.S. Eurasia Strategic Realignment and the Geopolitical Risks and Challenges Facing the Joint Construction of BRI” (No. 20CGJ038).
Keywords Covid-19; major country diplomacy; Central Asia; foreign aid; Belt and Road Initiative
Authors Mo Shengkai, associate professor in International Politics Department, University of International Relations; Xu Zhuofan, postgraduate student in Paris School of International Affairs, Sciences Po.
2. 莫盛凯、许卓凡：新冠疫情期间的大国中亚援助 (2020—2021 年).pdf
Malaysia-Brunei Maritime Disputes Settlement and Its Implications
QI Huaigao
Abstract Malaysia and Brunei delimited their maritime boundary by taking the form of an exchange of letters (EOL) in March 2009. The EOL covered four issues: first, the delimitation of the territorial seas, the continental shelf and the Exclusive Economic Zone between Malaysia and Brunei; second, the establishment of Commercial Arrangement Area (CAA) in oil and gas; third, the final demarcation of the land boundary between the two countries; and fourth, unsuspendable rights of maritime access for nationals and residents of Malaysia across Brunei’s maritime zones en route to and from their destination in Sarawak, with Malaysia guaranteeing that Brunei’s laws and regulations are observed. Three characteristics can be observed in the maritime disputes settlement between the two countries: the two countries have exercised self-restraint in the disputed area until a solution can be found; the two countries have adopted a low-profile on signing the EOL; and the two countries have practiced interest exchange by “exchanging Limbang for oil/ gas”. Chinese academia should pay serious attention to Malaysia-Brunei maritime disputes settlement. China and the two countries can put the South China Sea disputes aside temporarily and advance practical maritime cooperation.
Keywords Malaysia; Brunei; South China Sea; exchange of letters (EOL); Commercial Arrangement Area (CAA)
Funding “A Comparative Study on the Joint Development Policies in the South China Sea between Vietnam and the Philippines”, sponsored by the National Social Science Fund of China (No. 20BGJ081).
Author Qi Huaigao, Vice Dean and Professor at Institute of International Studies of Fudan University.
3. 祁怀高：马来西亚与文莱解决海上争端的方式及其思考.pdf
ASEAN Centrality’s Internal and External Challenges against the Backdrop of Evolving Great Power Politics
SUN Zhiqiang
Abstract With the rapid escalation of the China-US strategic game and the implementation of America’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, the challenges ASEAN centrality faces have become a hot topic in academia. The challenges ASEAN centrality faces can be divided into two parts. Externally, the US is making full use of the Quad to strengthen its alliance system in the Asia-Pacific, guided by the approach of mini-multilateralism. Specifically, the US enhances its strategic cooperation with its allies and promotes security cooperation with its partners in the Indo-Pacific and beyond, thereby promoting the emergence of a complex strategic network dominated by the US, which is designed to contain China strategically. However, America’s Indo-Pacific Strategy seriously threatens ASEAN centrality in the regional architecture of security cooperation for its underlying negative effects that will significantly contribute to ASEAN’s spilt and marginalization. Internally, the long-term quarrel over democratic values and norms greatly hinders internal integration of ASEAN. On the background of the China-US ideological competition, America’s heavier pressure on ASEAN to democratize has dramatically intensified ideational differences among ASEAN members. The internal and external challenges interact with each other and intensify the positional anxiety of ASEAN.
Keywords China-US strategic game; Indo-Pacific Strategy; ASEAN centrality; political transition
Author Sun Zhiqiang, Ph.D Candidate in School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University.
4. 孙志强：大国博弈演进背景下东盟中心地位的内外挑战 .pdf
The Primary Characteristics, Driving Forces and Limitations of US-India Relations under the Biden Administration
LI Hongmei
Abstract 2022 marks the 75th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States and India. The cooperation between the two in the fields of politics, defense and security, economy and diplomacy has achieved all-round development. This article systematically analyzes the recent development of U.S.-India relations, especially since Biden took office. The study finds that the recent development of US-India relations presents four basic characteristics. In the political field, interactions between the heads of government have become increasingly intensive and active; in defense and security, cooperation has continued to expand and deepen; in economy and trade, dialogue mechanisms have been strengthened to focus on resolving bilateral differences; In diplomatic terms, bilateral and multilateral mechanisms complement each other to further cooperation. This article further analyzes three major driving factors promoting the US-India relations: changes in the power structure of the international system, changes in threat perceptions of both states, and the strategic preferences of political elites. Finally, the article analyzes the hindrances that constrain the future development of US-India relations, including India’s pursuit of strategic autonomy and multi- polarity in the international system, and the existing structural frictions in US-India economic relations.
Keywords US-India relations; defense cooperation; power structure; elite consensus
Author Li Hongmei, an assistant researcher of the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS), Shanghai, China.
5. 李红梅：拜登执政以来美印关系发展的基本特征、动力与局限.pdf
An Analysis of Mechanisms of Political Exchange and of Strategic Dialogue on Foreign Affairs in Australia-Japan Relations
WANG Shiming
Abstract Since the end of the Second World War, Australia-Japan relationship has experienced a dramatic change, particularly since entering into the new century. The de facto quasi-alliance between the two countries has attracted much attention from the international community. The increasingly close relationship between Australia and Japan is related to the ever-changing international relations in the Asia-Pacific, as well as the emerging mechanisms in this bilateral relationship. Among the latter, mechanisms of political exchange and mechanisms of strategic dialogue on foreign affairs have played a crucial role. The mechanisms of political exchange include mutual high-level visits, leaders’ meetings in multilateral venues, etc. The mechanisms of strategic dialogue on foreign affairs include three layers: Australia- Japan bilateral dialogue, Australia-US-Japan trilateral dialogue or Australia-India- Japan trilateral dialogue, and Australia-India-US-Japan quadrilateral dialogue. Comparatively, bilateral mechanisms of political exchange and strategic dialogue are the basis or mainstay, while trilateral or quadrilateral mechanisms serve as extensions or play an auxiliary role. They echo and interact with one another. Keywords Australia-Japan relationship; quasi-alliance; Indo-Pacific strategy; political exchange; strategic dialogue on foreign affairs
Funding This paper is the initial outcome of the National Social Science Fund project “Study on Australia-Japan ‘Quasi-Alliance’ Relations” (No. 18BGJ064).
Author Wang Shiming, professor in School of Politics and International Relations, East China Normal University.
6. 汪诗明：论澳日关系中的政治交流机制和外交战略对话机制.pdf
New Trends in Vietnam’s Cultural Diplomacy Strategy after the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam
TAO Wenwen
Abstract Vietnam’s “Strategy for Cultural Diplomacy to 2030” regards culture and cultural diplomacy as the endogenous force, driving force and spiritual cornerstone of national development, and proposes clear goals, 6 breakthrough measures and 5 specific measures to build the next stage of cultural diplomacy. At the same time, it exhibits new features such as closely connecting Vietnam’s foreign strategy and cultural development policy, the expansion and deepening of the main body and path, the introduction of specific task proposals, and the combination of Vietnam’s cultural “going out” and the world’s cultural “coming in”. Based on these features, lately Vietnam’s cultural diplomacy has included the following activities, which have resulted in many achievements: using anniversaries of the establishment of diplomatic relations as an opportunity for cultural diplomacy, continuing to maintain and deepen cultural exchanges with traditionally friendly countries, actively applying for and promoting world cultural heritage and international titles, carrying out creative activities to promote Vietnamese culture, using digitized resources and internet resources to expand external communications and publicity channels, diversifying overseas Vietnamese cultural projects and celebrations of traditional festivals, and following new trends in the world’s various cultures with an open attitude.
Keywords the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam; cultural diplomacy strategy; integration into international society; national image; soft power
Funding This paper is the initial outcome of the National Social Science Fund Youth Project in 2021 “Study on the New Trends of the Communist Party of Vietnam after its 13th Party Congress and Our Response” (No. 21CGJ001).
Author Tao Wenwen, Ph.D candidate in School of Asian Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University.
An Analysis of the Development of Myanmar’s Neutral Diplomacy under the Framework of “SHI”
CAO Wenshan
Abstract “Shi” (势), a classical concept in Chinese Philosophy, can be described as “a relative state in which things change after they have developed to a certain stage.” “Xingshi” (形势) and “Qushi”(趋势) are the two sides of it. Xingshi, as a horizontal dimension, is the state of power contrast, while Qushi, as a vertical dimension, is the direction of development determined by the changing state of power contrast. Xingshi or Qushi can not only be used independently in analyzing international politics, but also be used together to provide multi-dimensional, spatial-temporal analyses. In analyzing the development of Myanmar’s neutral diplomacy, Xingshi can be seen as the precondition, while Qushi is the basic driving force behind changes. Due to the joint effects of Xingshi and Qushi, neutral diplomacy has been resorted to by every government of Myanmar since its independence, while exhibiting various features in different periods. As a result, Myanmar’s neutral diplomacy is marked by “diversification”.
Keywords SHI, international politics, Myanmar, neutral diplomacy
Author Cao Wenshan, Lecturer in School of Marxism, Jiangxi Normal University; PhD, Fudan University.
8. 曹文山：“势”论框架下解读缅甸独立后的中立外交政策.pdf
