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The Title Page of Journal of China's Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2 (2020) | The Back Cover of Journal of China's Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2 (2020) |
Center for China’s Relations with Neighboring Countries of Fudan University (CCRNC Fudan), ed., Journal of China's Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020.
Publisher: World Affairs Press (China)
Published in December 2023.
ISBN: 978-7-5012-6702-6
Contents
Preface of Volume 6 Issue 2 (2020) …… QI Huaigao and BAO Xiaqin / 1
COVID-19 Pandemic and Neighboring Diplomacy
Challenges and Opportunities: Sino-Japan Relation under COVID-19 Pandemic …… WU Jinan / 9
The Communist Party of China’s Neighborhood Outreach amid the COVID-19 Pandemic …… WEN Yao / 23
Neighboring Countries’ Diplomacy towards China
An Analysis of the Motivation of Shinzo Abe’s Policy Evolution and Adjustment towards China …… YANG Luhui and SHI Min / 43
70 Years of China-India Relations: Deconstruct India’s Balancing Strategy towards China …… SHI Xuewei and SHEN Shuangshuang / 69
The Philippine Government’s China Policy and the Evolution of Philippine-China Relations in the 21st Century …… CHENG Xiaoyong / 87
Studies on Neighboring Countries
Japan’s Official Development Assistance Diplomacy toward South Asia under the Sino-U.S. Strategic Competition …… BAO Xiaqin and MI Yu / 107
Regional Cooperation of Neighboring Countries
Cognition and Co-construction: The International Community’s Cognition of the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism’s Intention and China’s Countermeasures …… ZHANG Li / 127
U.S. Key Decision-Makers’ Perception of and Response to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership …… SONG Ao / 146
China’s Boundary and Ocean Affairs
The Dispute Concerning Fishing Activities Near Natuna Islands between China and Indonesia and Its Solutions …… LEI Xiaolu / 173
Book Review
Recent Practice of Joint Development in the South China Sea: A Book Review of Cooperative Development in the South China Sea: Policies, Obstacles and Prospects …… HONG Nong / 193
Reviews on Symposiums
Review on the Tenth Fudan Symposium on China’s Neighboring Diplomacy …… ZHANG Zeyu / 207
Review on the Fourth NACAI International Symposium …… HE Jiajie / 216
Appendix
Introduction on Center for China’s Relations with Neighboring Countries of Fudan University (CCRNC Fudan) …… 225
Notice Inviting Contributions to the Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy …… 227
Standards of Articles and Annotations of the Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy …… 229
Acknowledgements to Reviewers ……234
Challenges and Opportunities: Sino-Japan Relations under COVID-19 Pandemic
WU Jinan
Abstract The sudden outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 has prevented Sino-Japanese relations from continuing the positive momentum of the previous two years. On the one hand, due to the internal and external negative factors, some structural contradictions between the two countries have once again been highlighted, and the public opinion towards China has deteriorated significantly. On the other hand, although Sino-Japanese relations are facing serious challenges, there are also opportunities for development. To build the Sino-Japanese relationship in new era, it is necessary to manage differences, increase trust, defuse doubts and expand mutual cooperation. By cementing the foundation of society, healthy and stable development of bilateral relations need to be advanced as soon as possible.
Keywords COVID-19; Sino-Japanese relations; Challenges and Opportunities; Stability and Positive Trend
Author WU Jinan, honorary president of Shanghai Association for Japanese Studies, research professor of Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS).
Official Citation: WU Jinan, “Challenges and Opportunities: Sino-Japan Relations under COVID-19 Pandemic,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 9-22.
1 WU Jinan_Challenges and Opportunities Sino-Japan Relation under COVID-19 Pandemic.pdf
The Communist Party of China’s Neighborhood Outreach amid the COVID-19 Pandemic
WEN Yao
Abstract This article seeks to examine the Communist Party of China’s interactions with political parties and organizations from China’s neighboring states amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Combing through empirical materials, the CPC’s international outreach in China’s neighborhood can be seen as having gone through three stages: “outbreak”, “giving back”, and “new normal”. The CPC’s neighborhood outreach has evolved with China’s domestic situation. The CPC’s neighborhood outreach contributes to China’s overall neighborhood diplomacy, and adds to China’s efforts to nurture positive emotions amongst its neighbors. The CPC’s neighborhood outreach also helps to project a positive image of itself, and furthers the CPC’s exchange of governance experiences with political parties in neighboring states. Some patterns of interactions developed during the pandemic might carry over to the post-COVID-19 era, while the CPC’s experiences of leading the fight against COVID-19 might translate into a case study that would remain on the agenda of the CPC’s foreign interactions.
Keywords COVID-19; Communist Party of China; party-to-party interactions; China’s neighborhood
Funding This research is supported by Shanghai Philosophy and Social Science Funding for Young Researchers (No. 2020EGJ003).
Author WEN Yao, assistant professor of the Institute of International Studies at Fudan University.
Official Citation: WEN Yao, “The Communist Party of China’s Neighborhood Outreach amid the COVID-19 Pandemic,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 23-40.
2 WEN Yao_ The Communist Party of China’s Neighborhood Outreach amid the COVID-19 Pandemic.pdf
An Analysis of the Motivation of the Abe Cabines’s Policy Evolution and Adjustment towards China
YANG Luhui and SHI Min
Abstract Shinzo Abe devoted himself to improving relations with China during his first administration from 2006 to 2007. After Abe took office again in 2012, he turned to a hardline policy towards China. Since entering the later stage of his second ruling in 2017, he replaced his tough policy with a coordinated policy towards China. What caused such changes in Abe’s China policy during his two administrations? Drawing on the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, this paper takes the system factors of the changes of Asia-Pacific patterns as the independent variables, and the domestic level factors as the intervention variables. This paper deeply analyzes how the independent variables cause the dependent variable—Shinzo Abe’s policy evolution and adjustment towards China through the intervention variables during the policy-making process. This paper finds that the system factors of the Asia-Pacific pattern changes are the fundamental motivation for the changes in Abe’s China policy, cognition interventions of the leaders’ images and the state-society relationship is the important reason for Abe’s China policy changes, and the decision intervention of domestic political systems is the basic factor for Abe’s China policy changes.
Keywords Abe’s Administrations; Japan’s Policy shift towards China; Motivation analysis; The post-Abe era
Funding This paper is phased achievements of the Special Task of Humanities and Social Science Research of the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China under the topic of “Research on China’s Neighborhood Diplomacy in the New Era and the Construction of a Community with a Shared Future” (No.18jf104); Phased achievements of the independent project named “Research on the Peripheral and International Environment of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era” (No.ICSZLKT2019003) of the Institute of Contemporary Socialism of Shandong University, a key research base of the Ministry of Education.
Authors YANG Luhui, professor and director of Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Shandong University; SHI Min, Ph.D. candidate in Political Science at University of Texas at Dallas.
Official Citation: YANG Luhui and SHI Min, “An Analysis of the Motivation of the Abe Cabines’s Policy Evolution and Adjustment towards China,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 43-68.
70 Years of China-India Relations: Deconstruct India’s Balancing Strategy towards China
SHI Xuewei and SHEN Shuangshuang
Abstract The year 2020 marks the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and India. Looking back on the difficult course of China-India relations over the past 70 years, balancing is one of the dominant ideas of India’s strategy towards China. In this context, the relationship between China and India is becoming more and more competitive, confrontational and even conflicted. In a sense, India’s strategy of balancing against China is the main factor leading to the ups and downs of China-India relations. Theoretically, the theory of balance of power in international relations provides theoretical support for India’s balance strategy towards China. In practice, India’s efforts to enhance its economic and military strength (internal balancing) and build a partnership network (external balancing) against China are the concrete manifestations of its strategy of balancing against China. Judging from the effect, India’s strategy of balancing against China is inevitable, but by comparing the effect of internal balance with that of external balance, India prefers to implement external balancing with China.
Keywords China; India; bilateral relations; internal balancing; external balancing
Authors SHI Xuewei, associate professor of School of Marxism, Luoyang Institute of Science and Technology, a doctor of law and the qualification of master tutor; SHEN Shuangshuang, master student at School of Marxism, Henan University of Science and Technology.
Official Citation: SHI Xuewei and SHEN Shuangshuang, “70 Years of China-India Relations: Deconstruct India’s Balancing Strategy towards China,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 69-86.
The Philippine Government’s China Policy and the Evolution of Philippine-China Relations in the 21st Century
CHENG Xiaoyong
Abstract Since the 21st century, the Philippines has successively experienced the Arroyo government, the Aquino III government, and the Duterte government. When examining the China policies of the Arroyo government, the Aquino III government, and the Duterte administration, there are large differences in their nature and content. In response to this, the Philippines-China relations have also experienced twists and turns. Taking the basic content of the three-term Philippine government’s China policy and the evolution of Philippines-China relations as the main research objects, it is found through analysis that the current China policy of the Duterte administration and the China policy of the Arroyo administration based on “cooperation” and “friendship” are the main keynotes, and cooperation in political and economic fields is the main content. The content of the Arroyo government’s China policy is mainly to develop economic and trade relations with China, while the Duterte government pays more attention to comprehensive cooperative relations. During the administration of Aquino III, the main content of the Philippines’ China policy centered on the “South China Sea Issue”, and its overall China policy was characterized by “confrontation” and “containment”. Through comparative analysis of the factors affecting the three government’s China policy, the factors that played a significant role in shaping the Philippines’ China policy include Philippine domestic economic factors, China factors and America factors.
Keywords The Philippines; Arroyo Administration; Aquino III Administration; Duterte Administration; the Philippines China relations
Funding This paper is a phased outcome of National Social Science Fund general project “Security Environment for the Implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative in Southeast Asia” (No. 18BGJ068).
Author CHENG Xiaoyong, associate professor of School of International Studies, Jinan University.
Official Citation: CHENG Xiaoyong, “The Philippine Government’s China Policy and the Evolution of Philippine-China Relations in the 21st Century,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 87-104.
Japan’s Official Development Assistance Diplomacy toward South Asia under the Sino-U.S. Strategic Competition
BAO Xiaqin and MI Yu
Abstract Under the Trump administration, the Sino-U.S. Strategic Competition indicated a long-term and complicated trend, Japan’s Official Development Assistance to South Asia had several changes and new features. This paper argues that in recent years, Japan’s Official Development Assistance started to focus on South Asia, with large-scale economic assistance as well as more infrastructure and strategic projects. Japan’s Official Development Assistance to South Asia is not only in line with its political strategy, but also strongly affected by the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the U.S. and the Belt and Road Initiative of China. From Japan’s Official Development Assistance to South Asia, we can find out that Japan’s diplomacy under the Sino-U.S. strategic competition was to-some-extent flexible and autonomous. Japan cooperated with the U.S., taking the advantage of the U.S.’s strategy, as well as adjusted its policy towards China, seeking for room to stabilize and develop Sino-Japan relations through both containment and hedging.
Keywords Sino-U.S. strategic competition; Japan; South Asia; Official Development Assistance diplomacy
Authors BAO Xiaqin, professor and doctoral supervisor of School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University; MI Yu, master student of School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University.
Official Citation: BAO Xiaqin and MI Yu, “Japan’s Official Development Assistance Diplomacy toward South Asia under the Sino-U.S. Strategic Competition,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 107-124.
Cognition and Co-construction: The International Community’s Cognition of the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism’s Intention and China’s Countermeasures
ZHANG Li
Abstract The Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism (LMCM) is an upgraded road to “a Community of Shared Future among Lancang-Mekong Countries”, and the latter is the first attempt to implement the development of a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind, as being put forward at the 19th CPC National Congress. Whether the LMCM can continue to maintain the speed and efficiency and successfully be upgraded to “a Community of Shared Future among Lancang-Mekong Countries” requires not only the support from the member states in the region, but also the recognition of countries outside the region. This article first discusses the research sample source, quantity, language, time, region, and group of the international community’s cognition of the LMCM. On this basis, it focuses on analyzing the content of the international community’s intentions and perceptions of the LMCM and found that the international community’s perceptions were generally positive. They believed that the LMCM could help stimulate regional development potential, enhance effective water management, and promote the effectiveness of cooperation between different organizations in the region. However, there are some negative assertions as well, such as “the next South China Sea theory”, “regional order replacement theory”, and “self-interest theory”, as well as online criticism activities specifically targeting the LMCM. Next, this paper discusses the comprehensive roots and potential impacts of negative cognition, and suggests that China should start from two major aspects in the future. First, we must take the initiative and strengthen the self-improvement, and comprehensively promote the mechanism itself to “make a solid foundation for positive cognition”. Meanwhile, it is also necessary to design some countermeasures to “break the negative cognition” so as to ensure the comprehensive development of the LMCM in the growing period and finally form “a Community of Shared Future among Lancang-Mekong Countries” through consultation, joint construction, sharing and win-win.
Keywords international social cognition; Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism; a Community of Shared Future among Lancang-Mekong countries; appeal; China’s countermeasures
Funding This article is a phased outcome of the Shanghai Philosophy and Social Science Fund (No. 2023BGJ004), the Pioneer Program of Humanities and Social Sciences at Fudan University, the Fudan University Policy Advisory Research Support Program, and the Academic Funding Project of the Asian Studies Center at Fudan University “Study on the Safety of Transboundary Rivers in Southeast Asia and the Water Game between China and the United States under the Perspective of Global Water Crisis”. And it was supported by the China Postdoctoral Science Fund (general program) “Study on the International Community’s Cognition of the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism’s Intention and China’s countermeasures” (No. 2019M651392), the China Postdoctoral Science Fund (special program) “Study on the Historical Evolution, Theoretical Construction and Contemporary Practice of China’s Water Diplomacy” (No. 2019T120289).
Author ZHANG Li, associate professor at Institute of Belt and Road & Global Governance, Fudan University; research fellow at Center for Religion and China’s National Security Studies, Fudan University, University Think Tank of Shanghai.
Official Citation: ZHANG Li, “Cognition and Co-construction: The International Community’s Cognition of the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism’s Intention and China’s Countermeasures,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 127-145.
U.S. Key Decision-Makers’ Perception of and Response to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership
SONG Ao
Abstract Regarding the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), as a non-member state, U.S. key decision-makers’ perceptions and policy orientations have shown significant divergences. In terms of perceptions, we can generally divide U.S. key decision-makers into three major groups: those who belittling and de-emphasizing the significance of the RCEP; those who feel seriously threatened and appeal to confrontation; and those who welcome and support the progress of RCEP. For responses, four possible policy orientations are proposed: Firstly, Fusing into RCEP: join RCEP and lead its future “upgrading”. Secondly, Hedging: sign bilateral free trade agreements. Thirdly, Balancing: set up obstacles to the RCEP negotiation and implementation. Fourthly, Rejoining TPP/CPTPP. Whether the Biden Administration will put any of these four policy options into practice, will be influenced or hampered by multiple factors. Considering that the United States still possesses a huge strategic influence on regional countries, the Biden Administration’s perception of and policy response to RCEP deserves further attention.
Keywords RCEP; decision-makers of the United States; perception; response
Funding This article is a phased outcome of “The China-Japan-ROK Relations and Northeast Asian Regional Cooperation in the Post-pandemic Era” (Project No. 2020-N60).
Author SONG Ao, postgraduate student at School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University.
Official Citation: SONG Ao, “U.S. Key Decision-Makers’ Perception of and Response to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 146-170.
The Dispute Concerning Fishing Activities Near Natuna Islands between China and Indonesia and Its Solutions
LEI Xiaolu
Abstract At the end of 2019, the disputes concerning the fishing activities in the waters near Natuna Islands and within the Dotted Line drew public attention. Both China and Indonesia agree that there is no territorial sovereignty disputes between them, however, the two countries have divergent position on whether there are overlapping maritime entitlements. Meanwhile, China has historic claims in the South China Sea. The disputes concerning fishing activities between China and Indonesia can be considered as the external appearance of the exaggerated disputes concerning maritime entitlements and related rights between China and Indonesia by over-emphasizing the South China Sea Arbitration. On the other hand, China and Indonesia are coastal states of the South China Sea, which is the typical semi-enclosed sea under the international law. Both countries have the obligation of cooperation on preservation and reservation of the living resources under international law.
Keywords Natuna Islands, fishing activity dispute, fishing management cooperation, Indonesia, the South China Sea
Funding This paper is a phased outcome by of National Social Science Found youth project “The historic power is incorporated into the Basic Maritime Law Studies” (No. 17CFX045).
Author LEI Xiaolu, associate professor of China Institute of Boundary and Ocean Studies, Wuhan University.
Official Citation: LEI Xiaolu, “The Dispute Concerning Fishing Activities Near Natuna Islands between China and Indonesia and Its Solutions,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 173-189.
Recent Practice of Joint Development in the South China Sea: A Book Review of Cooperative Development in the South China Sea: Policies, Obstacles and Prospects
HONG Nong
Abstract Modern state practice has developed a number of possible alternatives in the settlement of boundary disputes that involve the exploitation of natural resources which emphasizes the management aspects of such an agreement and which eschews the stricter, more rule-based approach towards boundary-delimitation. China’s proposal of “shelve disputes and go for joint development” has won positive response from other relevant states. However, due to various obstacles such as geopolitical competition, legal hurdles and trust deficit among the claimants, joint development has not been well implemented in the South China Sea so far. A newly published volume Cooperative Development in the South China Sea: Policies, Obstacles and Prospects explores and compares the policy and state practice of joint
development of each respective state in the South China Sea. Despite the existing political and legal hurdles, the authors of the book acknowledge that the concept of joint development remains an attractive and durable template to peace in the South China Sea.
Keywords South China Sea; cooperative development; state practice Funding National Social Science
Fund (Major Program) “Study on China’s Practice in Promoting International Rule of Law under the Spirit of a Shared Future for Humanity” (18VHQ001); National Social Science Fund (General Program) “A Comparative Study on the Joint Development Policies in the South China Sea between Vietnam and the Philippines, and Study on China’s Strategies” (20BGJ081).
Author HONG Nong, executive director and senior fellow of Institute for China–America Studies. Dr. Hong Nong holds a PhD of interdisciplinary study of international law and international relations from the University of Alberta, Canada in 2010.
Official Citation: HONG Nong, “Recent Practice of Joint Development in the South China Sea: A Book Review of Cooperative Development in the South China Sea: Policies, Obstacles and Prospects,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 193-204.
Review on the Tenth Fudan Symposium on China's Neighboring Diplomacy
ZHANG Zeyu
Author ZHANG Zeyu, staff of Center for China’s Relations with Neighboring Countries of Fudan University.
Official Citation: ZHANG Zeyu, “Review on the Tenth Fudan Symposium on China's Neighboring Diplomacy,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 207-215.
11 ZHANG Zeyu_ Review on the Tenth Fudan Symposium on China’s Neighboring Diplomacy.pdf
Review on the Fourth NACAI International Symposium
HE Jiajie
Author HE Jiajie, assistant professor of School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University.
Official Citation: HE Jiajie, “Review on the Fourth NACAI International Symposium,” Journal of China’s Neighboring Diplomacy, Vol. 6, Issue 2, 2020, pp. 216-221.
12 HE Jiajie_ Review on the Fourth NACAI International Symposium.pdf
